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Summary

In March 2019, a youth-led movement called ‘We want to live’ organized protests across the Gaza Strip against high living costs, tax hikes by Hamas, and demands for democratic rights. Despite a violent crackdown by Hamas security forces, the protests raised awareness about economic grievances and the movement continued online for years afterward.

Background

In February 2019, a hashtag ‘We Want to Live’ emerged on Gazan social media protesting deteriorating economic conditions, high living costs, and recent tax increases imposed by Hamas, the ruling authority in Gaza. The movement sought basic democratic rights and freedoms, including freedom of speech, press, and peaceful assembly, as well as economic justice for residents of the Gaza Strip.

What happened

On 10 March 2019, thirteen activists met to plan a public demonstration but were arrested by Hamas security personnel who had tracked the hashtag online [source: nv-database]. Despite this, the first protests took place on 14 March 2019 in locations including Jabalya, Al-Bureij, Nuseirat, Khan Yunis, and Rafah, where protesters held signs, chanted slogans, and burned tires [source: nv-database]. Hamas security forces responded by beating protesters and firing live ammunition into the air, and footage of the dispersal circulated widely online [source: nv-database]. On 15 March, Hamas mobilized its own supporters to counter the protests, and police again used force, arresting journalists and human rights activists and confiscating cameras and cellphones [source: nv-database]. Despite suppression, local journalists published reports, and the protests became known as the ‘We want to live’ protests, ‘hunger protests’, and ‘March 14 protests’ [source: nv-database]. Hamas held many protesters for days or weeks, placed others under house arrest, and forced released detainees to pay fines and sign pledges not to protest again; many reported being beaten and tortured while in custody [source: nv-database]. Hamas claimed the protests were fomented by Fatah, and on 15 March, Hamas military forces broke into homes of those arrested, beat or threatened family members, and damaged property, also raiding Al-Azhar university to arrest suspected student activists [source: nv-database]. The WWL organizers called for a general strike and civil disobedience on 20-21 March, but due to violent police responses, it is unclear if the strike took place [source: nv-database]. Demonstrations continued from 14 to 18 March with thousands protesting daily; Hamas arrested over 1,000 people, including 45 journalists and several human rights defenders [source: nv-database]. On 19 March, Hamas issued a statement expressing regret for harm but characterizing the crackdown as thwarting an ‘organized plan of chaos’ sponsored by Fatah [source: nv-database]. Several Palestinian factions and the Palestinian Non-Governmental Organisations Network (over 100 charities) endorsed the protests and condemned Hamas’s violations [source: nv-database]. After 21 March, protests subsided; Hamas suspended some new taxes but reinstated them two weeks later [source: nv-database]. The WWL movement continued as an independent youth group, mostly online, organizing further demonstrations in subsequent years with similar goals and facing similar repression [source: nv-database].

Key people & organizations

  • We want to live movement
  • Hamas
  • Fatah
  • PFLP
  • Amnesty International
  • Human Rights Watch
  • Palestinian Non-Governmental Organisations Network

Tactics used

The movement used social media hashtags and online organizing to build a narrative of economic injustice, then escalated to street protests, banner displays, tire burning, and calls for a general strike, combining digital and direct action to pressure Hamas. [source: nv-database]

Outcome

Verdict: partial.

The protests achieved only partial success: Hamas temporarily lowered taxes but reinstated them, and the violent crackdown quelled immediate demands. However, the movement raised significant awareness about economic conditions and Hamas’s repression, and the youth organization survived online for years afterward, scoring 3.5 out of 10 points in the campaign’s success evaluation. [source: nv-database]

Lessons

  • A strong online narrative can mobilize protests even under heavy surveillance and repression.
  • Violent crackdowns can temporarily suppress protests but may not destroy the underlying movement if it maintains an online presence.
  • Building alliances with political factions and civil society organizations can amplify demands and provide legitimacy.

Sources


Disclaimer: Included as a teaching example of campaign craft, not as endorsement.

Sources & verification

  • nv-database — grounding: primary — license: link-only
  • Rewritten: 2026-06-25 via worker_casestudies_v2.py